 Dalai Lama toespraak 4 dec Dalai Lama addresses European Parliament   Last Sunday 30th November 2008 H.H. the Dalai Lama gave a public talk 'Compassion - the Basis for Happiness' in Prague's Congress Center. bekijk de teaching, klik op bovenstaande link .jpg "De vrienden van Tibet zweefden enkele centimeters boven de grond, gedurende deze voorspoedige dag") De Vrienden van Tibet De Dalai Lama komt op 4 december naar België voor een bezoek aan het Europese parlement. Of de spirituele leider van Tibet ook mag rekenen op een officiële ontvangst door de Belgische autoriteiten is lang niet zeker. Minister van Buitenlandse Zaken De Gucht (Open Vld) liet onlangs in het parlement weten dat hij in deze kwestie erg omzichtig te werk wil gaan omdat de Chinese autoriteiten elke officiële ontvangst van de Dalai Lama door een buitenlandse regering zien als een vorm van erkenning van Tibet, wat de Belgische economische belangen kan schaden. Sluit Minister De Gucht daarmee ook de ogen voor de verschrikkelijke repressie en de genocide in Tibet, die nu zelfs nog veel heftiger is, en dit omwille van economische belangen?? Handelsmissies, geld, winst, de economie primeert. De mensenrechten, het menselijke, een waardig leven als mens is totaal ondergeschikt. Met Congo gaat Minister De Gucht veel minder omzichtig tewerk. En dat terwijl Tibet al sedert 1949 op een onrechtmatige manier bezet is door China! China pleegt chantage met heel de wereld door te dreigen met handelssancties op alles wat niet past in de ideologie van de Chinese leider en regering. . Gepaard met het Bezoek van de dalai lama, is er een oproep tot vasten op de 4 dec. Thursday the 4th of December Dalai Lama will speak at the European Parliament. Tenzin Gyatso's visit coincide with a decisive moment for the Tibetan's future. Dalai Lama strategy - non-violence and dialogue with China in order to obtain an effective autonomy, and not independence - risks to be definitively defeated by Chinese authorities' unavailability to accept any step forward. If this occurs, it will not be only a tragedy for the Tibetan people. If the non-violent solution and federal autonomy will not be take into consideration, a hard beat will be stroke against the right for democracy for 1,5 billion Chinese and against peace hope of all humanity. To greet and sustain the Dalai Lama in his non-violent struggle, we propose to everybody - European civil servants, MEP, assistants and visitors - to observe a day of fasting, from midnight of the 3rd to midnight of the 4th and to wear the traditional white scarf. We ask to all of those that intend to participate at the fasting (are allowed water and sugared beverages during the 24 hours) to preannounce it, in order to publicise the list of the participants. The list will be given to the Dalai Lama during the morning of the 3rd. NGOs must focus on defending Chinese citizens 
By Willy FautréDialogue on human rights in China failed in the run-up to the Beijing Olympics and became inaudible once the games had started. How much of this would, realistically, have been on the agenda at the now-abandoned EU-China summit, which was supposed to be held this week (1 December)? The stark truth confronted by a dozen non-governmental organisations (NGOs) that met in the European Parliament ahead of the Sakharov Prize ceremony, at which the prize was formally given to the human-rights champion Hu Jia who has been in jail since last December, is that China sees the EU's carrot-and-stick ‘diplomacy' as laughable or insulting. China does not want democracy, and the West's preaching of human rights or the rule of law is seen as ‘neo-imperialist'. More disconcerting to NGOs is that oppressed populations are often just as unimpressed by the Western human-rights package. That holds good in Russia as much as in China. Defending the rights of 10 million Tibetans and as many Uighurs remains a self-evident moral priority. But understandable pride in China's outstanding economic and sporting achievements has been steered by relentless official propaganda into crudely xenophobic nationalism. Beijing received wide popular backing for its furious denunciation of the Reporters sans Frontières protests during the Torch Relay through Paris. Similarly, Vladimir Putin, the Russian prime minister, does not hurt his popularity one bit by dismissing foreign NGOs as “jackels” scavenging for funds from foreign embassies. This ugly, unfair message, also finds a broad echo. Time to give up? No, but it is clear that if we are to be of any use, NGOs have to find people where they are, not where we would like them to be. For hundreds of millions in China, the main concern is not the death penalty (which is still widely used in the US), but the often terrible working conditions, unsafe coalmines, low wages and the risk of homes being arbitrarily confiscated. Before and during the Olympics, such sufferings were occasionally highlighted. Now we hear little or nothing. Human-rights NGOs' best course is to support those on the ground defending people's rights in the courts, and never hijack, or risk seeming to discount, their victories. The West's message is often broadcast on the wrong wavelength. Democracy cannot be imposed from outside. Spontaneous shoots of freedom need to be nurtured one by one and allowed to spread. Our role should not be as noisy secular evangelists for Western values, but the more modest one of helping fellow human beings not living in freedom to pursue their objectives. Several funders have already understood the potential of this approach, and, away from the media, are focusing on court battles waged by Chinese workers and human rights activists. Willy Fautré is director of Human Rights International, which is based in Brussels Lees ook het persbericht van de Vrienden van Tibet van 11 november 2008. Wat verder onderaan de historische samenkomst van 17 tot 22 november in Dharmasala.  (Left to right) Yangdutso Yangkartsang, Thomas Mann, Thubten Wangchen, Hans-Gert Pöttering, Marcin Libicki Phayul Friday, September 26, 2008 The Dalai Lama has been officially invited to speak at the European Parliament on December 4. The President of the European Parliament, Hans-Gert Pöttering, told Thubten Wangchen, Director of the Tibet House Foundation in Barcelona, that the Dalai Lama has been officially invited to report to the Parliament to talk about his intentions regarding the Tibet-China issue. Pöttering officially received Thubten at the headquarters of the camera in Brussels on September 23. Thubten presented before Pöttering 30 thousand signatures collected with the "SOS Tibet" campaign and urged him to facilitate a serious dialogue between the Dalai Lama and the Chinese president, Hu Jintao. The German MEP Thomas Mann, Chairman of the Tibet Support Group in the European Parliament, Spanish MEP, María Badía, Yangdutso Yangkartsang, President of the Tibetan community in Belgium; Tenzin Wangmo from Bureau du Tibet in Brussels, and Marcin Libicki, President of the Committee on Petitions of the European Parliament, were also present at the meeting. During the meeting Pöttering expressed concern with the current situation in Tibet and assured his support for a peaceful solution to the Tibet issue. Pöttering was one of the main sponsors of the resolution adopted by the majority in the European Parliament in April this year, which condemned the Chinese government's brutal crackdown on Tibetans in the aftermath of March 10 protests. Thubten Wangchen, while thanking Pöttering and the European Parliament for their support, said that non-violence and truth remain the most powerful tool for the Tibetans, and shall surely help the Tibetans achieve their goal. Kalon Tripa says committed to reflect Tibetan people’s opinion on Tibet’s future The Statement of the Kashag on the Special Meeting Started on nov 17 Honorable Speaker and Deputy Speaker, The Kashag extends warm greetings to all the participants who have come to this Special Meeting, as well as members of the press. 
Speaker Karma Chophel (L) delivers the opening address to the special general meeting
on Tibet which begins in Dharamsala, the seat of the Central Tibetan Administration
in Dharamsala, India, on 17 November 2008.till 22 nov.At the outset, the Kashag on behalf of all the Tibetans would like to pay our sincere reverence to His Holiness the Dalai Lama and express our gratitude for convening this first Special Meeting, after giving due consideration to number of things. The Kashag would also like to thank all the participants, who represent various sections of exile Tibetans, for making it convenient to attend this meeting. And more importantly, many Tibetans from Tibet have sent in their opinions for this Special Meeting for which the Kashag expresses its heartfelt gratitude. The Kashag appreciates the opportunity for making this statement. We need not further explain the seriousness of the situations in Tibet and the unspeakable sufferings of Tibetans in Tibet since March this year. Everyone is aware of the various challenges and obstacles before the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) in its effort to find solution to the issue of Tibet. Under such critical stage, it is inevitable that we must contribute and come together to closely discuss about the views of the Tibetan masses on what future action needs to be taken on Tibet. Therefore to convene this meeting today is very timely and is the need of the hour. We believe this meeting will be considered an important event in our history. For such important event as this meeting, there have been many speculations and misconceptions. I will not try to clarify all of them. But I will clarify a few, which were told to me in person or through letters. Some people say this Special Meeting is a political strategy and tactic to pressure the PRC before the eighth round of talks to extract some results. Some says this Meeting is convened so that the Central Tibetan Administration to shirk the responsibility of the failed talks or pass the blame to others. It is also said that this meeting is called because the Central Tibetan Administration had decided to change its current policy, or at least, one mentions that the CTA hopes that this meeting could bring about a change in the CTA's current stance. And some says the CTA had convened this meeting to seek popular backing from Tibetan people for its current policy, and because of this reason, many of the participants at the meeting are CTA officials or those who are under the CTA's influence. Those who made such speculations are not aware of real facts. I think they are oblivious to the decision of His Holiness the Dalai Lama in convening this Special Meeting in accordance with democratic norms. Under the leadership of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, the CTA has always followed the principle of truth and has always remained transparent in all our dealings, without indulging in any double standards. The CTA has never adopted the policy of pressurizing others, nor will we do so in the future. We have briefed the media, the Parliament-in-Exile and the Tibetan public on the unsatisfactory outcome of the talks whenever necessary. We have been very transparent about the process and status of the talks and take full responsibility for the outcome, or lack thereof. Therefore, we don't have to look for somebody else to blame. Regarding the question of changing the basic policy, this will be decided by the Tibetan people based on their collective aspiration. It is not the case of the CTA coming to decision, beforehand, and then later going to the people for consultation. This has not happened in the past and the CTA will never think of doing something like this in the future. A change in policy need not come from this meeting. The Parliament-in-Exile, through a unanimous resolution adopted on 18 September 1997, offered His Holiness the Dalai Lama full mandate to decide on the policy and direction of the Tibetan struggle, from time to time, keeping the global trend and other factors into consideration. Therefore if a change in basic policy is considered necessary, there is a way that is democratic and which has the mandate of Tibetan people. Likewise, the present policy has public mandate and therefore there is no reason to seek further public support for it. The participants for this meeting are constituted through a resolution of the parliament and the Administration has no comments on this. Customarily in the past annual meetings, the CTA officials were included. Other than that, there is no plan to overwhelm this conference with the position of the CTA. In fact, the Kashag has clearly instructed the CTA officials attending this meeting to freely raise their concerns and express their views, irrespective of the CTA's standpoint and policy. As such this meeting is an opportunity for the Kalons to listen rather than voice its thoughts. The Kalons requested that they be excused from attending the group discussions. However, permission was not granted and the Kalons will join the group discussions but will not speak out the Kashag's view and its policies at the group discussions. Based on these reasons, we would like to say that all the speculations mentioned above are not true. Also few good-intentioned people have pointed out that today, the beginning of this Special Meeting, is an ominous day according to Tibetan calendar and that we should have been little more careful about finding the suitability of the day by consulting our own system of astrology. There are, however, remedies to reduce or reverse any adverse effects, especially when, on certain occasions, you need to perform important tasks within stipulated timeframe, with no time to find out whether a particular day is auspicious or not. Today is not particularly a bad and ominous day, except that you should avoid work related to water and to keep livestock indoor. Other than that, today is pretty good day with no obstacles as such. Nonetheless, the Tibetan Parliament has taken all corrective measures. The reasons why this Special Meeting was called are as follows. Since March this year, in most parts of Tibet, Tibetans, irrespective of whether they were young or old, monks, nuns or lay people, male or female, spontaneously and courageously came together to demonstrate, with full knowledge of imminent dangers to their lives, expressing their anguish and dissatisfaction at the oppressive and brutal ultra-leftist policies of the PRC and to protest the total lack of freedom of speech and thought. This resentment has been building up for the last sixty years. However the peaceful and lawful manner in which the Tibetans demonstrated their long pent-up sentiments were crushed with brute force and merciless killings, torture, detentions and injury. Under such dire circumstances, Tibetans in Tibet pinned all their hopes on fellow Tibetans in the free world. It is needless for us to mention that, at such times, we cannot be insensitive to their cries. We must show solidarity with our brethrens and we must do whatever in our means to improve their situation. In this regard, His Holiness the Dalai Lama has made tremendous efforts in this direction, including appealing to important world leaders and the international community, and specifically appealing to Tibetans, Chinese, and Chinese Buddhists. His Holiness the Dalai Lama has also written directly to President Hu Jintao and has send his envoys for an informal meeting in Shenzhen on 4 May and for the seventh round of talks in Beijing in July. However it is difficult to conclude if such tremendous efforts by His Holiness have brought any positive results. But the PRC's repression and hardline policies towards Tibet and Tibetans have worsened and there is no sign of positive change. During the eighth round of talks in Beijing on 4th and 5th of this month, our act of submitting a memorandum about implementation of national regional autonomy provisions for all the Tibetans to enjoy autonomous status in accordance with law for national regional autonomy as enshrined in the constitution of People's Republic of China was considered a 'splittist' act. We were accused of seeking independence in disguise. There was no positive response. Now the time has come for all the Tibetans to discuss their concerns and share opinions. 
Generally, the members of parliament represent the masses and it is well known practice that any policy that has been
passed in the parliament by resolution is assumed to have the mandate of the people,
unless it is revised or changed by the parliament itself. This is most appropriate for a free country but this
is not so for the exile Tibetan community. In a democratic country with a multi-party political system,
the party with majority forms the government and it will use all its influence to safeguard the party's interests.But we are a party-less democratic system in which the members of Parliament are elected from different religious schools and traditions and from Tibet's traditional region rather than being elected from a specified constituency and representing people of that constituency. As a result, our Parliament members have limited contacts with the general public on a daily basis. For this reason, we have in our charter, unlike other democratic countries, a provision to call Special Meetings at times of emergency and for matters of great importance on which the general public opinion is needed. The process of directly voting for the post of Kalon Tripa by Tibetan exiles is not so old. While voting for the Kalon Tripa, one should vote for his political stand and policy rather than voting for the candidate as a person. I have been told that it is a sign of failure on the part of an elected leader if he, enjoying the mandate of the people, consults the general public from time to time, instead of leading and giving political guidance to the people during his tenure. As mentioned above, our situation is not only urgent and pressing which cannot be compared with situation of other free countries, but also, under occupied situation, many day-to-day changes might possibly take place. So consulting the general public for their support on matter of special importance is exercising key democratic feature which should be followed not only by us but other elected leadership as well. For these reasons, this Special Meeting is not out of place with our charter and it conforms to the democratic process. At this Meeting, by taking into account the urgent situation in Tibet, the current world situation and the behavior of the PRC's leadership, we should able to understand the views and aspiration of the common Tibetans on what would be the best course of future actions beneficial to the Tibetan cause. The Kashag appeals to all the participants to use their intelligence and come together to contribute to an open and frank discussion. This meeting should not turn into a debate between political organizations and rigid political ideologies. And this must be stressed that the CTA has no hidden agenda and plan behind this Meeting. The Kashag will not make a statement about the works and programmes of the CTA thus far. The Kashag will neither say a single word about what is right or wrong on the agendas of this meeting. We do this because it may be viewed as influencing the views of participants. The Kashag has full faith in the wisdom of the public. The statistic of opinions gathered from Tibetans in Tibet, concerning this Special Meeting, has been submitted to the Honorable Speakers. The main objectives of this Special Meetings are; 1. To have open and frank discussion on the issue of Tibet by the general Tibetan masses at this critical point in time. The Kashag 17 November 2008 NB: This is translated from Tibetan. If there are any discrepancies, consider the Tibetan version as original and authoritative. Following is the full text of His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s Address to the plenary session of the European Parliament in Brussels, Belgium, on Thursday, December 4, 2008: Your Excellency, Mr. President, Honorable Members of the Parliament, ladies and gentlemen, Tibetan leader, the Dalai Lama (R) prepares to address the European Parliament in Brussels December 4, 2008. It is a great honour to speak before you today and I thank you for your invitation. Wherever I go, my main interest or commitment is in the promotion of human values such as warm heartedness – this is what I consider the key factor for a happy life at the individual level, family level and community level. In our modern times, it seems that insufficient attention is paid to these inner values. Promoting them is therefore my number one commitment. My second interest or commitment is the promotion of inter-religious harmony. We accept the need for pluralism in politics and democracy, yet we often seem more hesitant about the plurality of faiths and religions. Despite their different concepts and philosophies, all major religious traditions bear the same messages of love, compassion, tolerance, contentment and self-discipline. They are also similar in having the potential to help human beings lead happier lives. So these two are my main interests and commitments. Of course the issue of Tibet is also of particular concern to me and I have a special responsibility to the people of Tibet, who continue to place their hope and trust in me during this most difficult period in the history of Tibet. The welfare of the Tibetan people is my constant motivation and I consider myself to be their free spokesperson in exile. The last time I had the privilege to address the European Parliament (EP), on October 24, 2001, I stated, “despite some development and economic progress, Tibet continues to face fundamental problems of survival. Serious violations of human rights are widespread throughout Tibet and are often the result of policies of racial and cultural discrimination. Yet, they are only the symptoms and consequences of a deeper problem. The Chinese authorities view Tibet’s distinct culture and religion as the source of threat of separation. Hence as a result of deliberate policies an entire people with its unique culture and identity are facing the threat of extinction". Sadly, the Chinese authorities have resorted to brutal methods to deal with the situation in Tibet, despite appeals by many world leaders, NGOs and personalities of international standing to avoid violence and show restraint. In the process, a large number of Tibetans have been killed, thousands injured and detained. There are many whose fate remains completely unknown. Even as I stand here before you, in many parts of Tibet there is a huge presence of armed police and military. In many areas Tibetans continue to suffer under a state of de-facto martial law. There is an atmosphere of angst and intimidation. Tibetans in Tibet live in a constant state of fear of being the next to be arrested. With no international observers, journalists or even tourists allowed into many parts of Tibet, I am deeply worried about the fate of the Tibetans. Presently, the Chinese authorities have a completely free hand in Tibet. It is as though Tibetans face a death sentence, a sentence aimed at wiping out the spirit of the Tibetan people. Many honorable members of the EP are well aware of my consistent efforts to find a mutually acceptable solution to the Tibet problem through dialogue and negotiations. In this spirit, in 1988 at the European Parliament in Strasbourg I presented a formal proposal for negotiations that does not call for separation and independence of Tibet. Since then, our relations with the Chinese government have taken many twists and turns. After an interruption of nearly 10 years, in 2002 we re-established direct contact with the Chinese leadership. Extensive discussions have been held between my envoys and representatives of the Chinese leadership. In these discussions we have put forth clearly the aspirations of the Tibetan people. The essence of my Middle Way Approach is to secure genuine autonomy for the Tibetan people within the scope of the Constitution of the PRC. During the seventh round of talks in Beijing on 1st and 2nd July this year, the Chinese side invited us to present our views on the form of genuine autonomy. Accordingly, on 31st October 2008 we presented to the Chinese leadership the Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan People. Our memorandum puts forth our position on genuine autonomy and how the basic needs of the Tibetan nationality for autonomy and self-government can be met. We have presented these suggestions with the sole purpose of making a sincere effort to address the real problems in Tibet. We were confident that given goodwill, the issues raised in our memorandum could be implemented. Unfortunately, the Chinese side has rejected our memorandum in its totality, branding our suggestions as an attempt at “semi-independence” and “independence in disguise” and, for that reason, unacceptable. Moreover, the Chinese side is accusing us of "ethnic cleansing" because our memorandum calls for the recognition of the right of autonomous areas "to regulate the residence, settlement and employment or economic activities of persons who wish to move to Tibetan areas from other parts of the PRC." We have made it clear in our memorandum that our intention is not to expel non-Tibetans. Our concern is the induced mass movement of primarily Han, but also some other nationalities, into many Tibetan areas, which in turn marginalizes the native Tibetan population and threatens Tibet’s fragile natural environment. Major demographic changes that result from massive migration will lead to the assimilation rather than integration of the Tibetan nationality into the PRC and gradually lead to the extinction of the distinct culture and identity of the Tibetan people. The cases of the peoples of Manchuria, Inner Mongolia and East Turkestan in the PRC are clear examples of the devastating consequences of a massive population transfer of the dominant Han nationality upon the minority nationalities. Today, the language, script and culture of the Manchu people have become extinct. In Inner Mongolia today, only 20% are native Mongolians out of a total population of 24 millions. Despite the assertions by some hard-line Chinese officials to the contrary, from the copies of our memorandum made available to you it is clear that we have sincerely addressed the concerns of the Chinese government about the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the PRC. The memorandum is self-explanatory. I would welcome your comments and suggestions. His Holiness the Dalai Lama is welcomed by European Parliament President Hans-Gert Pottering in Brussels December 4, 2008. (Photo: Reuters) I take this opportunity to appeal to the European Union and the Parliament to use your good offices, sparing no efforts, to persuade the Chinese leadership to resolve the issue of Tibet through earnest negotiations for the common good of the Tibetan and Chinese peoples. While I firmly reject the use of violence as a means in our struggle, we certainly have the right to explore all other political options available to us. In the spirit of democracy, I called for a Special Meeting of Tibetans in exile to discuss the state of Tibetan people and the state of the issue of Tibet and the future course of our movement. The meeting took place from November 17-22, 2008 in Dharamsala, India. The failure of the Chinese leadership to respond positively to our initiatives has reaffirmed the suspicion held by many Tibetans that the Chinese government has no interest whatsoever in any kind of mutually acceptable solution. Many Tibetans continue to believe that the Chinese leadership is bent on the forceful and complete assimilation and absorption of Tibet into China. They therefore call for the complete independence of Tibet. Others advocate the right to self-determination and a referendum in Tibet. Despite these different views, the delegates to the Special Meeting unanimously resolved to empower me to decide the best approach, in accordance with the prevailing situation and the changes taking place in Tibet, China and the wider world. I will study the suggestions made by about 600 leaders and delegates from Tibetan communities around the world, including views we are able to gather from a cross section of Tibetans in Tibet. I am a staunch believer in democracy. Consequently, I have consistently encouraged Tibetans in exile to follow the democratic process. Today, the Tibetan refugee community may be among the few refugee communities that have established all three pillars of democracy: legislature, judiciary and executive. In 2001, we took another great stride in the process of democratization by having the chairman of the Kashag (cabinet) of the Tibetan Administration in exile elected by popular vote. I have always maintained that ultimately the Tibetan people must be able to decide the future of Tibet. As Pundit Nehru, the first Prime Minister of India, stated in the Indian Parliament on December 7, 1950: “The last voice in regard to Tibet should be the voice of the people of Tibet and nobody else.” The issue of Tibet has dimensions and implications that go well beyond the fate of six million Tibetans. Tibet is situated between India and China. For centuries Tibet acted as a peaceful buffer zone separating the two most populated countries on earth. However, in 1962, only a few years after the so-called “peaceful liberation of Tibet” the world witnessed the first ever war between the two Asian giants. This clearly shows the importance of a just and peaceful resolution of the Tibet question in ensuring lasting and genuine trust and friendship between the two most powerful nations of Asia. The Tibetan issue is also related to Tibet’s fragile environment, which scientists have concluded, has an impact on much of Asia involving billions of people. The Tibetan plateau is the source of many of Asia’s greatest rivers. Tibet’s glaciers are the earth’s largest ice mass outside the Poles. Some environmentalists today refer to Tibet as the Third Pole. And, if the present warming trend continues the Indus River might dry up within the next 15-20 years. Furthermore, Tibet’s cultural heritage is based on Buddhism’s principle of compassion and non-violence. Thus, it concerns not just the six million Tibetans, but also the over 13 million people across the Himalayas, Mongolia and in the Republics of Kalmykia and Buryat in Russia, including a growing number of Chinese brothers and sisters who share this culture, which has the potential to contribute to a peaceful and harmonious world. My maxim has always been to hope for the best and to prepare for the worst. With this in mind, I have counseled the Tibetans in exile to make more rigorous efforts in educating the younger generation of Tibetans, in strengthening our cultural and religious institutions in exile with the aim of preserving our rich cultural heritage, and in expanding and strengthening the democratic institutions and civil society among the Tibetan refugee community. One of the main objectives of our exile community is to preserve our cultural heritage where there is the freedom to do so and to be the free voice of our captive people inside Tibet. The tasks and challenges we face are daunting. As a refugee community, our resources are naturally limited. We Tibetans also need to face the reality that our exile may last for a longer time. I would therefore be grateful to the European Union for assistance in our educational and cultural endeavors. I have no doubt that the principled and consistent engagement of the EP with China will impact the process of change that is already taking place in China. The global trend is towards more openness, freedom, democracy and respect for human rights. Sooner or later, China will have to follow the world trend. In this context, I wish to commend the EP for awarding the prestigious Sakharov Prize to the Chinese human rights defender Hu Jia. It is an important signal as we watch China rapidly moving forward. With its newfound status, China is poised to play an important leading role on the world stage. In order to fulfill this role, I believe it is vital for China to have openness, transparency, rule of law and freedom of information and thought. There is no doubt that the attitudes and policies of members of the international community towards China will impact the course of the change taking place in China as much as domestic events and developments. In contrast to the continued extremely rigid attitude of the Chinese government towards Tibet, fortunately among the Chinese people – especially among the informed and educated Chinese circles – there is a growing understanding and sympathy for the plight of the Tibetan people. Although my faith in the Chinese leadership with regard to Tibet is becoming thinner and thinner, my faith in the Chinese people remains unshaken. I have therefore been advising the Tibetan people to make concerted efforts to reach out to the Chinese people. Chinese intellectuals openly criticized the harsh crackdown of Tibetan demonstrations by the Chinese government in March this year and called for restraint and dialogue in addressing the problems in Tibet. Chinese lawyers offered publicly to represent arrested Tibetan demonstrators at trials. Today, there is growing understanding, sympathy, support and solidarity among our Chinese brothers and sisters for the difficult situation of the Tibetans and their legitimate aspirations. This is most encouraging. I take this opportunity to thank the brave Chinese brothers and sisters for their solidarity. I also thank the European Parliament for the consistent display of concern and support for the just and non-violent Tibetan struggle. Your sympathy, support and solidarity have always been a great source of inspiration and encouragement to the Tibetan people, both in and outside of Tibet. I would like to express special thanks to the members of the Tibet Inter-Group of the EP, who have made the tragedy of the Tibetan people not only a focus of their political work but also a cause of their hearts. The many resolutions of the EP on the issue of Tibet have helped greatly to highlight the plight of the Tibetan people and to raise the awareness of the issue of Tibet amongst the public and in governments here in Europe, and all around the world The consistency of the European Parliament’s support for Tibet has not gone unnoticed in China. I regret where this has caused some tensions in EU-China relations. However, I wish to share with you my sincere hope and belief that the future of Tibet and China will move beyond mistrust to a relationship based on mutual respect, trust and recognition of common interest – irrespective of the current very grim situation inside Tibet and the deadlock in the dialogue process between my envoys and the Chinese leadership. I have no doubt that your continued expressions of concern and support for Tibet will, in the long run, have a positive impact and help create the necessary political environment for a peaceful resolution of the issue of Tibet. Your continued support is, therefore, critical. I thank you for the honor to share my thoughts with you. The Dalai Lama Brussels, 4 December 2008 terug naar boven |